Moral Panic in Contemporary Society: Islamophobia

Moral terror in Contemporary hostel IslamophobiaThis quiz argues that Moral Panic in the modern-day context has evolved from the diachronic context. Moral solicitude, in essence, is defined as an ephemeral exclusively recur condition or bulk stereotypically portrayed as a expele to social values and pastimes by mass media (Cohen cited in fen Melville, 2011). This canvas will use the juvenile anti- proper fad as a instance study to illustrate the coetaneous good brat of Islamophobia. Among the comp binglents discussed be the differences betwixt historical and coetaneous get laids of chaste scourge attack and Cohens Moral Panic framework. As a start, this essay deconstructs Cohens definition of clean brat with reference to Islamophobia. Islamophobia is a transient just dormant paying back that has lately been reawakened in relations to the going of halal substance circulating in the United Kingdom. It is a term used in the UK or so the eighties to 199 0s as a signal rejection of and discrimination against the Islamic commonwealth due to screws of immigrations (Allen cited in Lpez, 2011) and recently is described as a sacred intolerance due to the maturement presence of the Islamic piety in the West (Lpez, 2011).First of all, this essay argues that there is a refining shift in the discommodes of historical virtuous panic comp atomic number 18d to contemporary object lesson panic. As Critcher (2002) posits, modern example panics entertain altered focus. Hughes et al. (2011) further hurt that example panic is instanter being applied to a growing range of examples by deviating from disregards back in the 1960s and 1970s. Historical incorrupt panics often focus on the issue of youths and subcultures, like the work of Stanley Cohen in the 1970s on the rockers and mods (Marsh Melville, 2011), Youngs research on the drug use of hippies in the 1960s (ibid, 2011) and Ainley (ibid, 2011)s research on the hoodies. Meanwhi le, contemporary moral panic has expanded to encompass issues of racial discrimination instead of dwelling on youth-related topics, for example, the present pillowcase study of anti-halal hysteria, Islamic infiltration plot in Birmingham schools (McNamara, 2014) and the association of crimes to Muslim women with headscraves (Duell, 2014). However, one may refer to Halls work on racism and resistance (Procter, 2004) to argue that racism is a moral panic date back to the 1970s. As such, this essay posits that Islamophobia is a contemporary moral panic that evolves from historical moral panic on xenophobia.Even though contemporary issues on moral panic have digressed from youth issues, Hughes et al. (2011) noted that moral panic is dumb regularly being used in the media revolving around issues on social problems, controversies and capitalizes on peoples worry and anxiety. Islamophobia bears simile to the historical moral panic which exploits on peoples tutelage in maintaining t heir social status (Young cited in Hughes, et al., 2011) as Islamophobia capitalises on Britons cultism of losing their national identity. As such, this statement underpins Richardson (2009)s articulation that Muslims have now become the latest incarnations of folk devils.In addition, this essay argues that contemporary moral panic deviates from some of Cohens moral panic framework which is constructed by a linear six stages namely crisis happen, sensification, witch hunt, amplification, panic and forestall-action. In the context of the anti-halal hysteria, this essay argues that the current issue does not adjust to Cohens original stage of crisis happening as there is on the face of it no actual crisis in Subways decision to shot halal meat in some of its broths in the first place. Instead, it is the free-and-easy mails overdrawd coverage that deliberately frames Subways mercenary decision as a result of being strongly demanded by the Muslims customers (Poutler, 2014). Subway on the other hand justifies their decision as purely a matter of weighing financial losses and lolly as the stores are situated within heavily populated Muslim vicinities (Allen, 2014). Failing to see this as a commercial decision, the Daily get off over-reacted and reignited the nutriment debate protest on halal meat that was date back in 2012, headed by British National caller (BNP)s leader Nick Griffin (Engage, 2012).In score to explain this economic consumption of media, this essay agrees with Schlesinger (cited in Critcher, 2002) that in contemporary moral panic, the media has assumed the intent of radical definers as opposed to being secondary definers. According to Procter (2004), primary definers refer to the way media first look to authoritative figures particularly politicians in structuring news. Very often, original theory of moral panics posits that medias Ideological employment is tie to that of the regimens hegemony ideology (McRobbie Thornton). Contr astingly, in the context of the recent Islamophobia, the press, specifically the Daily direct acts as the primary definer, dictating the news agenda. This shows that contemporary media does not adhere to Gramscis theory of hegemony (Procter, 2004). This inference contradicts with Cohen (2002)s affirmation that the media is important in reproducing and sustaining the dominant ideology instead of being transmitters or campaigners of moral panics. However, based on McRobbie and Thornton (cited in Cohen, 1999)s assertion and in view of this latest issue, contemporary media actually sets their own agenda by instigating ordinary issues that may be contradictory to governments policies. Therefore, demonstrating that contemporary moral panic has evolved from a historical cast.Moving on, this essay recognizes that contemporary moral panic adheres to the second stage of Cohens stick- sensification. Soon by and by the article on Subway is published, it is inferred that the unrestricted b ecome sensitive to the issue of Muslim allegedly invading the local food industry. This is because according to Hughes et al. (2011), people are sensitive to issues that hit the sore spot, in this context, referring to the fear of a foreign power- the Muslims. Besides that, as the issue of halal is on purpose highlighted in the news, it increases the mishap of earth in becoming aware of the express issue. On top of that, the media further saturates the public sphere with inflammatory insecurity discourses (Hier cited in Critcher, 2008) and headlines such as Millions are eating halal food without knowing it. This I infer is the medias attempt to frame publics negative perception towards Muslims as a means to discover them aware of homegrown Islamic extremism (Allen, 2007).Nevertheless, the essay argues that the current issue does not fit into Cohens third stage- witch hunt. This may be attributed to the origins and structure of the news itself in which Daily Mails reporting on Subways decision is very much dark-skinned and sensationalized. Media, as Cohen (2002) points out, often stereotypes and misrepresents deviance. As such, this essay argues that the cultivate of witch run for folk devils is omitted in the case study as the Daily Mail has, at the very beginning, embedded the stereotypical notion of Islamophobia, misrepresenting and accusing the Muslims for exerting pinch level onto Subway. The Muslims are not found to be the folk devil, but they are framed to be one in a contemporary context. On top of that, such stereotypical reporting may also be explained as a journalist goal to attune to the popularity of human interest stories (McRobbie Thornton, 1995) so as to gain public readership by capitalizing on moral panics. Richardson (2009) contends news about Muslims is often presented with a hint of menace, and then suggesting the possibility of unethical journalism practice in local tabloid.Although stage triple of Cohens model is omitted in the context of contemporary case study, the case study still conforms to Cohens amplification stage as presses such as the cheerfulness and BBC join in to amplify the initially non-existent crisis. For instance, The Suns overly sensationalized the news of Pizza Express using halal meat (Jones, 2014) while the BBC reported that five leading UK supermarkets are merchandising halal meat (BBC News, 2014). Adding on to the fuel, the Daily Mail goes on to exaggerate that Muslims are stealthily taking over Britains supermarket (Poutler et al., 2014). The role of media as Luce (2013) posit is supposedly to help maintain stability in a society. However, in this context, the presses are seen to be disrupting the social order of the society. This is because it was the presses who initiate the shun crime with alarmist reporting that agitate the issue of local food store chains and supermarkets selling halal meat without the consent or familiarity of customers. As such, this essay inferred t hat the tabloid media is trying to drive a happy chance between races.As a result of this amplification spiral, the initial issue on commercialized industry selling halal meat has escalated into a wider spectrum involving pressure groups such as RSPCA, National Secular Society (NSS) and British Veterinary Association (BVA). These associations are outrage by the animal slaughtering rule of Muslim abattoirs following a CCTV still released by Daily Mail with the caption more than 100 sheep appeared to write in agony aft(prenominal) being religious ritely killed (Allen, 2014). The term halal which literally means tolerable or lawful under Islamic Law (Henley, 2013 Poutler, 2014) stated that animals moldiness be ritually killed when it is conscious. This disparity in method of animal slaughtering has at a time again flared up the long-enduring heated between the pressure groups whom advocate pre-stunning ahead slaughtering and the deviants (the Muslims)s ritual slaughtering. Conseq uently, the press has now shifted its attention from the original issue on Subways commercial decision to the slaughtering method of animals, thus causing the original problem to be obscured while this deviance issue to escalate. Media employ highly emotive and rhetorical language (McRobbie Thornton, 1999) to distinguish us and them by idealizing us and demonizing (Richardson, 2009) the Muslims that they do not care about how animals are slaughtered. The press further reveals that as thousands of Britons are consuming halal food, insinuating that they have been Islamized (Poutler, 2001). Even though the focus of issues has shifted, the underlying notion remains that of Islamopohia (Allen, 2014).From the backlash of the above amplification, this causes panic among the animal welfare advocates as well as the general public of the growing power of Islam. Revelation that halal meat is widely circulated and the inhumane ritual slaughtering method of the Muslims, the term anti-halal hys teria emerges, signifying a new wave of moral panic associated with Islamophobia. A fraction of public are explicitly viewing contempt towards the Muslims by boycotting the list of stores selling halal meat while pressure groups petition for banning ritual slaughtering method. Even though this essay argues that the original problem is non-existence, the deviance issues still escalate.Last but not least, the sixth stage of Cohens model, counter-actions is, as this essay argues, not entirely applicable in contemporary moral panic. The notion of something should be done is evident here but this essay finds it ironic that there is not a problem in the first place as it is simply a misrepresentation of a commercial decision by the media. Counter action in Cohens model refers to legislative attempt in subduing the deviants (Cohen, 2002). However, this essay argues that there is no counter action in the case study as local government retains their spot in the issue of anti-halal hysteria by upholding the law of allowing religious slaughter method even though pressure groups are fierily petitioning to label and impose regulations on the sources and method of slaughtering poultry. In this context, counter-action is not taken by the government but rather a compromise position is negotiated. This is Britains attempt to assimilate the minorities by offering them the freedom of religion (Castle Freytas-Tamura, 2014).As a matter of fact, this essay recognizes that contemporary moral panic does not conform to Cohens linear smooth process as first of all, crisis did not happen, there is no witch hunting process and there is no relative counter-action. As such, this essay argues that contemporary model panic is best described using attributes instead of a static process. Hence, the essay suggests looking to Goode and Ben-Yehudas five attributes of moral panic (concern, hostility, consensus, disproportionality and volatility) as a preferable model. Firstly, concerns over Islamophobia have always been long existed in the UK. Secondly, the term anti-halal hysteria is a signifier of hostility towards the Muslims. Thirdly, there is consensus among the presses and pressure group that accepting that Muslim poses threats economically but also societal values. Disproportionality is demonstrated through the actions of pressure group in calling for the ban of halal meat as it does not resolve the issue of Islamophobia. Lastly, contemporary moral panic fits the characteristics of being volatile as the following issue dominating local news on Islamophobia is the British National Party protesting over the plans for a new mosque in Hemel Hempstead (Pitt, 2014) once again showing that moral panic is on-going.As a conclusion, the utility of moral panic is no doubt necessary in enhancing our understanding of new cases to which it has been broad (Hughes et al., 2011). Studies on moral panic is not static (Hughes, et al., 2011) as it is everlastingly revised, extend ed and developed (ibid, 2011). Moral panics are not just one-off events but it is their reappearance that confirms their status as moral disturbances of any significant order (Young cited in Marsh Melville, 2011). This essay argues that media do not report facts but rather conjectures about Subways decision. Even though stages of establishing moral panic is not static and may overlap occasionally, some attributes of moral panic is still very much identifiable (Jewkes cited in Marsh Melville, 2011). Islamophobia has been infused into the everyday life of modern Britain (Allen, 200) and will always be an on-going issue but just that the focus on issue shifts and even sometimes incorporates or bring other issues into the picture.